Thursday, March 17, 2011

Hamilton's American Capitalism


By Douglas V. Gibbs

I watched a documentary two nights ago about the famous duel between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr. The narrator explained the history between the two men, as well as going deep into their years as young men prior to the American Revolution. Both served in the war, and both had colorful lives.

The summary of Aaron Burr seemed historically accurate enough. When it came to Alexander Hamilton, however, the liberal slant on history was all too apparent.

Alexander Hamilton is a fascinating member of the class of Founding Fathers. He desired the federal government to be more centralized than many of the other founders intended. Hamilton even stated during the Constitutional Convention that the United States should be an empire with an American King leading the way. Outnumbered by statesmen that wished for the federal system to be limited in its scope and power, and serving alone as a delegate from New York (because his New York companions who were anti-federalists stormed out of the convention), Hamilton toned his rhetoric way back near the end of the convention, and in his federalist writings.

The documentary, after speaking favorably of Hamilton's centralized government policies, comparing Hamilton's vision for America to Jefferson's concept of a "weak national government," called Hamilton the father of capitalism.

I brought this up to a friend of mine who has a masters degree in History, and he replied, "They meant 'American Capitalism' which is characterized by heavy government regulation."

Based on Hamilton's writings outside the federalist papers, his arguments during the Constitutional Convention (as per Madison's notes on the Constitutional Convention), and his actions as the first secretary of the treasury, Hamilton's philosophies as a big government authoritarian are widely recognized.

As treasury secretary, Hamilton's policies were marked with protectionism, mercantilism, and heavy government regulation. Unlike Adam Smith, Hamilton did not believe the free market should be totally free. The populace, and most of his colleagues, as far as Hamilton was concerned, were too ignorant to be left with the responsibility of managing the nation's wealth. Only a political elite, in Hamilton's opinion, held the wisdom necessary to operate America's finances.

Hamilton's America did not emerge from the debates in Philadelphia in 1787 as he had hoped, but in Hamilton's opinion, it was a step in the right direction when he considered the "weaker" government that existed under the Articles of Confederation. A centralized government did not appear through the political scene, either. And despite Hamilton's invention of "implied powers," which was designed to usurp the Constitution through a strategy of "interpreting" the Constitution, and for the federal government to give to itself authorities not expressly granted by the States through the Constitution.

Alexander Hamilton, and his followers, then turned to the judicial branch for their power. The third branch of government had been added as if it had been an after thought, and was originally intended to be the weakest of the three branches. In fact, the founders were so worried about a tyrannical judiciary, that they proposed the 11th Amendment, ratified in 1795, which restricted the courts even more. The judicial branch was only to apply the law, regardless of their opinion of the law, to the cases they heard, and nothing more.

Though the courts were not given the authority to review law for its constitutionality, they did give opinions on the merit of the law. In fact, to this day, their dockets begin with the words: "It is in the opinion of the court." Despite not having the authority to review law for its constitutionality, often judges would give an opinion on the law after deciding the case. If a court found a law to be unconstitutional, the legislative would consider the opinion, but the law remained in force until Congress decided to repeal the law.

Out of respect for the higher courts, the lower courts would respect the opinion of the higher courts, and rule accordingly. After years of this practice, Chief Justice John Marshall, one of Hamilton's allies, in the 1803 case of Marbury v. Madison, provided an opinion that basically said that the federal courts have the power of judicial review.

Combined with his national bank and concept of implied law, judicial review completed a strategy that could be used to incrementally grow government, until one day the federal government could expand to a point in line with what Hamilton envisioned.

Despite Hamilton's lust for power, and his dream of a centralized federal government, Hamilton's undoing came through his feud with Aaron Burr.

Contrary to the documentary's urgings, Hamilton was not the father of capitalism, or at least not in a manner that would be recognizable today as anything other than crony-capitalism, fascism, and the authoritarian theory of Keynesian economics.

In other words, Hamilton in today's world would probably be a liberal Democrat.

-- Political Pistachio Conservative News and Commentary

4 comments:

Tom said...

Marbury vs. Madison

209 years of case law later, it makes you insane.. doesn't it?

It's called an "implied power". You should read Federalist 78.

If it be said that the legislative body are themselves the constitutional judges of their own powers, and that the construction they put upon them is conclusive upon the other departments, it may be answered, that this cannot be the natural presumption, where it is not to be collected from any particular provisions in the Constitution. It is not otherwise to be supposed, that the Constitution could intend to enable the representatives of the people to substitute their will to that of their constituents. It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority.

And that's how the courts work in the United States. It's too bad you don't agree, but you're in the fringe minority in your view and it's not going to change.

Douglas V. Gibbs said...

Implied Power is unconstitutional, only express powers are to be applied. Final arbiters of the Constitution are the States. Courts cannot change law based on judicial review. They can have the opinion regarding constitutionality, and then Congress can decide whether or not to follow such recommendation. If States believe law is unconstitutional, they can nullify, or ignore, it. If you don't believe the Congress cannot put the courts in their place, explain the eleventh amendment, tough guy. Your ignorance is astounding (hence why I rarely post your idiocy) And of course, case law is a court creation, giving themselves power - but the Constitution was the States giving the federal government power. So, if feds through courts are giving themselves power, rather than asking States for authorities, that would mean the federal government is "seizing power" which makes it tyrannical.

Tom said...

I'm "ignorant"?

Yet - your view of the judicial issue is contradicted by over 200 years of law in the United States. I'm "ignorant" when, in fact, my position is consistent with the way the federal government has operated for over 200 years.

It is a fact that justices Scalia, Roberts, Alito and Thomas would disagree with YOU, and agree with me. It is a fact that the entire legal system of the United States would agree with my view of the issue.

And I am the one that is "ignorant".

You don't even understand what "judicial review" is. The courts don't "change law" - they simply decide if a law is constitutional or not, and if it is not, they have the authority to invalidate the law. That is not a controversial view in the US legal system. It is not controversial even in the "conservative" view of law. It is not controversial with the conservatives in Congress, nor with conservative leaning judges.

There is a minuscule segment of the population that disagrees, and you happen to have that fringe view. And that makes me the ignorant one, as opposed to it being you who is completely not understanding why and how judicial review exists in the United States.

It's not going to change either. The legal system in the US is not suddenly going to agree with Doug Gibbs and change the way the system has operated for a couple hundred years.

Oh.. and I like your description of Congress keeping the courts "in their place". The 11th amendment is very specific in it's language, is it not? It could have been written explicitly to remove the authority of judicial review from the courts, but it was not. Why was it not?

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State.

The 11th amendment is proof that judicial review is a valid legal concept under the Constitution merely because the amendment exists. It is proof that if Congress wanted to remove that authority from the courts, they can, and should, do so via Constitutional amendment in exactly the same manner as they have done in the 11th.

Explain to me, tough guy (lol), why has Congress, in 209 years of history post Marbury, not proposed an amendment to put the courts "in their place" and instead agreed with and abides with the courts authority to strike down federal and state law? Congress knows that the laws they pass can be, and have many times, been struck down by the Supreme Court - yet, they do nothing to change that. Why?

You have zero answer for that. Why no amendment?

You believe that Loving vs. Virginia was an illegal act of the Supreme Court, don't you? If it was illegal - why have the states done nothing to change that, but rather simply abides by the decision. Why has Congress done nothing?

We both know the reason why you delete my comments as you will this one. It isn't because I'm "wrong", or "ignorant", and this case is a perfect example of that. It's because I do nothing but show you what is absolutely true - and all you can do is make weird and fringe arguments about how it's all some conspiracy or other.

In the end, it's an absurd argument. You don't like it when I can so easily prove you wrong on pretty much everything, so deleting it becomes the best way of coping for you. Then you claim that it's because I'm being "ignorant". I find that highly amusing.

Douglas V. Gibbs said...

http://politicalpistachio.blogspot.com/2011/03/response-to-liberal-view-of-courts.html